For instance, “The Nazis used Judeo-Bolshevism as their constructed enemy.
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Stanley bases his conclusion that the Republican Party is fascist on a series of juxtapositions. Oddly, though, his entire essay is built on this well-known fallacy. Stanley has presumably learned about this, having secured a job in a philosophy department at a high-quality institution like Yale. If it is raining, there won’t be a baseball game that day
The most common is called “affirming the consequent.” The structure of this fallacy takes the form:
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One of the things you learn in your first week of an introductory philosophy course on logic is how to identify a logical fallacy. The total conflation of conservative policy goals with authoritarianism is ill conceived and ultimately counterproductive to the goal of defending democracy and clearly understanding the threats it faces. Stanley, a philosophy professor at Yale, argues in the Guardian that the Republican Party has entered what he calls “fascism’s legal phase.” Stanley’s essay, which attracted widespread praise from progressive intellectuals on Twitter, treats conservative policy goals as inherently authoritarian. Jason Stanley has proposed a much more sweeping claim. Conservatives turn to authoritarianism for the same reason communists turn to revolution: They don’t believe they can accomplish their policy goals democratically. Trump articulated deep-seated fears that the conservative agenda could not prevail under liberal democratic conditions because the right would be outnumbered either economically (the takers would confiscate the wealth of the makers) or demographically. My long-standing contention is that the two overlap heavily - that is, rather than having descended suddenly in the form of Donald Trump’s hostile takeover of the party, right-wing authoritarianism grew out of the conservative movement organically.
It is vital to understand the interplay between authoritarian logic and standard-issue conservative politics. What they represent is a fringe that is creeping closer and closer to control over the GOP and meeting less and less resistance. Ideas like this are not representative of the Republican Party - at least not yet.
Their children won’t be allowed in schools.” Here is an essay in a conservative journal urging the right to openly celebrate January 6 “as our Storming of the Bastille … One side is prepared to do everything necessary to secure their political power, so the other side must be prepared to resist every step of the way with equal determination.” Here is Republican senator Rand Paul defining a “stolen” election as “targeting and convincing potential voters to complete in a legally valid way.” Here is conservative talk-show host Jesse Kelly warning, “When I take power, communists” - Kelly’s term for liberals - “will not be allowed to hold jobs. Hardly a day goes by without some horrifying new expression of the right’s contempt for democracy. The conservative movement has a long tradition of anti-democratic thought, which Donald Trump catalyzed and which has accelerated since he departed office into his movement’s defining ethos. The Republican evolution into an authoritarian party is the most important development of the current political era.
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